The German government on Monday summoned Russia’s ambassador in Berlin, raising the confrontation with Moscow to a new level. The Foreign Ministry justified the step by alleging “direct threats by Russia against targets in Germany” aimed at “weakening our support for Ukraine.” Berlin’s response, it declared, was “clear”: Germany would “not be intimidated.”
According to reports, the Russian Ministry of Defense last week published addresses of arms companies based in Germany. This was a reaction to the German government’s announcement that it would supply new drones and long-range weapons to Ukraine, or have them produced there in cooperation with German arms manufacturers.
In other words: the German government is responding to Russian warnings that, in the event of further Ukrainian attacks on Russian territory driven by Germany, Moscow might target military installations in Germany—and it is responding with further escalation. The summoning of the Russian ambassador is aimed at further shattering already severely damaged relations and preparing the transition to an open military confrontation.
Summoning an ambassador is among the most confrontational actions in diplomacy. In a situation in which Germany already plays a central role in the NATO proxy war against Russia in Ukraine, it constitutes a political signal of considerable significance. It does not stand for “dialogue,” but for its systematic termination. The summoning is a harbinger of further steps—up to and including the complete severing of diplomatic relations.
It must be stated clearly: Nearly 85 years after the invasion of the Soviet Union by the Nazi regime, Germany is once again de facto at war with Russia. This development has nothing to do with the defense of “freedom” and “democracy” against a “Russian aggressor,” as official propaganda would have it. It is the result of a long-term policy pursued by the ruling class, which is asserting its imperialist interests with increasing aggressiveness.
At the beginning of 2014, Berlin, in close alliance with the United States, organized a coup in Kyiv and, relying on fascist forces, brought a pro-Western regime to power. This regime intensified the confrontation with Russia and, in close coordination with NATO, effectively provoked the Russian invasion in February 2022. Since then, the NATO powers have continuously fueled the war against Russia in Ukraine and made clear that they are not seeking a diplomatic solution, but rather the military capitulation of Moscow.
The visit of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to Berlin a few days ago marked another decisive step in this escalation. The signed “strategic partnership” institutionalizes military cooperation at a new level. It includes concrete armament projects aimed at enabling Ukraine to carry out long-range strikes deep into Russian territory. At the same time, German corporations and state bodies are securing influence over key sectors of the Ukrainian economy, particularly its extensive raw material resources.
Ukraine thus functions as a geostrategic bridgehead of German imperialism. Similar to Israel in the Middle East, it serves as an outpost for the enforcement of imperialist interests across an entire region—from Eastern Europe far into the Eurasian landmass. This orientation is part of a broader “drive to the East,” harking back to the historical expansionist ambitions of German imperialism in the 20th century, which culminated in the greatest crimes in human history.
How openly this policy is now being articulated was demonstrated in a speech by Foreign Minister Johann Wadephul on April 17 at the handover ceremony of Panzergrenadier Brigade 41 and the return roll call of the NATO mission in Lithuania. Wadephul denounced Russia as a “threat” which is “inflicting terror on the people of Ukraine.” From this he derived the necessity of massively expanding the military strength of Europe, with Germany taking the lead, increasing readiness and permanently strengthening the presence on NATO’s eastern flank. Germany is assuming “responsibility” for the defense of Europe—a formulation that in this context means nothing other than preparation for a great European war against Russia.
Particularly telling is the deployment and expansion of German troops in Lithuania. The 41st Panzergrenadier Brigade and another combat brigade—totaling more than 5,000 troops and armed to the teeth—currently being stationed there are not a defensive measure, but part of an offensive military strategy aimed at a direct confrontation with Russia.
At the same time, the European powers are advancing their nuclear capacities and planning. Initiatives by French President Emmanuel Macron for a stronger European “nuclear deterrence” are not only being discussed, but actively pursued. On Monday, Macron and Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk, at a meeting in Gdańsk, spoke in favor of joint exercises and closer cooperation in the field of nuclear deployment strategies.
“Our cooperation, whether in the nuclear field or in joint maneuvers … is a cooperation that knows no limits,” said Tusk. Macron declared that in the coming months measures would be taken to enable “concrete progress,” particularly in the area of nuclear deterrence. “There could be deployments” of French combat aircraft carrying nuclear warheads in Poland.
These developments enjoy broad support in Berlin. Chancellor Friedrich Merz has signaled that Germany is prepared to participate in corresponding European nuclear initiatives. At the same time, voices are growing in political and military circles openly calling for the acquisition of Germany’s own nuclear capabilities. This crosses a threshold that dramatically increases the danger of a nuclear conflict.
The growing tensions among the European powers themselves do not alter this fundamental trajectory. On the contrary, they intensify the pressure to rearm militarily and to position themselves in the struggle over spheres of influence and resources. The war in Ukraine and the escalation against Russia are central arenas of this global redivision.
Against this background, the stance of the German government toward the US-Israeli war against Iran is also a warning. When Chancellor Merz defended the threats of annihilation issued by US President Donald Trump as legitimate negotiation tactics, he made clear that the ruling class is prepared to support—and itself again employ—the most extreme forms of military violence. Criticism from Berlin is not directed against these barbaric methods, but against the danger that an escalating war in the Middle East could weaken the strategic offensive against Russia.
The consequences of this policy are enormous. An open war against Russia requires the complete militarization of society. Already, democratic rights are being eroded, social spending drastically cut, and the economy oriented toward war production. The reintroduction of conscription aims to recruit hundreds of thousands of young people as cannon fodder. A direct war against the nuclear power Russia would inevitably raise the danger of nuclear escalation, threatening the existence of all humanity.
Workers and young people must face this reality. The ruling class is prepared to plunge the world into catastrophe once again in order to enforce its imperialist interests. This can only be countered through the building of an international socialist anti-war movement. The working class must organize independently, mobilize against militarism and war, and fight for a society based on social needs rather than profit interests.